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Full Research NoteIssue 03

The Price of Cheap Power Full Research Note

What the world’s two cheapest electricity markets reveal about the real cost of “cheap.”

13 minEstimated reading time
04Research sections
09Numbered figures
Figure 1 · Residential electricity price
A rounding error, and a rip-off — 155x apart
Iran
$0.003
Ethiopia
$0.006
Kyrgyzstan
$0.017
World average
$0.176
Bermuda
$0.466
Bar length ∝ √price, to keep the smallest bars visible — exact values are labeled.
Source: GlobalPetrolPrices.com. Iran, Ethiopia, Kyrgyzstan and the world average are GlobalPetrolPrices’ Q2 2026 figures; the Bermuda figure is via Visual Capitalist’s 2026 ranking of the same underlying dataset. Every one of these is a subsidized/regulated retail price paid by households — not the cost of production. That gap is the subject of this piece, and it’s worth saying up front: trackers like this update quarterly, so treat any single “cheapest electricity” ranking as a snapshot, not a fixed fact.

Ask a search engine which country has the cheapest electricity on Earth, and you’ll get a confident, single-line answer: Iran, at roughly $0.003 per kilowatt-hour — a rounding error compared to what most of the world pays. Scroll down the same rankings and Ethiopia usually sits in the top five too, charging its households a fraction of a cent more.

It’s a fun fact. It’s also, on its own, a fairly useless one — because “cheap” is doing two completely different jobs in these two countries. In Iran, cheap electricity is the byproduct of a government sitting on the world’s second-largest natural gas reserves and simply refusing to charge people anything close to what it costs to deliver that gas as power. In Ethiopia, cheap electricity is the byproduct of geography — a country with more hydropower potential than it currently knows what to do with, run by two utilities that, until very recently, weren’t charging anywhere near cost either.

Different mechanisms. Similar price tags. And, as it turns out, similar reckonings. Iran spent the summer of 2026 in a genuine electricity crisis — rolling blackouts, factories cut to two days a week, emergency-market prices spiking to four times the regulated rate. Ethiopia, meanwhile, is more than halfway through a deliberate plan to raise its own prices four to six times over four years, precisely so it doesn’t end up where Iran is now.

A quick methodological note, because it matters more than it sounds like it should: most “cheapest electricity” rankings measure the retail price a household pays — not the cost of generating, transmitting, and delivering that electricity. Those two numbers can be wildly different. The gap between them is basically the whole story of this article.
Case 01 · The Subsidized-Fossil Model

Iran: cheap because someone else is paying for it

Iran’s electricity mix is not complicated. Depending on which tracker you use and which year, somewhere between 75% and 85% of the country’s power comes from natural gas, with most of the remainder split between other fossil fuels and a thin sliver of hydropower — generally under 5%. Enerdata’s own figures put gas at 80% of generation specifically. Renewables, excluding hydro, barely register: as of 2024, Iran had roughly 350 megawatts of wind and 1 gigawatt of solar installed, against a target it had set for itself of 4.5 gigawatts of wind by 2021. It missed that target by a wide margin.

Figure 2 · Generation mix, 2024

Iran runs on gas — almost entirely

80%
NATURAL GAS
Natural gas80%
Other fossil~15%
Hydropower~4%
Other renewables~1%

None of this is because Iran lacks options. A 2017 Stanford analysis mapped the country’s solar and wind resources and found real potential across wide stretches of territory — 1.7 million hectares of high-grade solar irradiance, over 2 million hectares with wind speeds strong enough to be commercially viable. The constraint isn’t sunlight. It’s price: Iran prices domestic gas at around $34,000 per million cubic meters — about half the Henry Hub spot price, roughly a tenth of what U.S. households pay.

The 80% gas figure is Enerdata’s; the split of the remaining ~20% varies a few points depending on the source and year, so treat the other three slices as approximate. Sources: Enerdata Iran Energy Market; Low-Carbon Power; Stanford Iran 2040 Project, Working Paper No. 3.

That subsidy doesn’t cost money in the abstract. The IEA estimates Iran’s total energy subsidies have swung between $30 billion and $137 billion a year over the past decade, tracking global fuel prices. By 2020, the power sector alone accounted for roughly $12.5 billion of that — more than natural gas or oil products individually. Keeping the lights cheap has become the single largest line item in Iran’s energy subsidy bill.

Fully removing electricity subsidies would cut Iran’s total demand by 16% and cumulative CO2 emissions by 31% through 2050 — because people would finally stop over-consuming something priced below its real cost.

— The core finding of Aryanpur, Fattahi, Mamipour, Ghahremani, Ó Gallachóir, Bazilian & Glynn, Energy Policy (2022), paraphrased

Figure 3 · What subsidy reform would unlock

Renewable share of generation by 2050

2.5%
Reference scenario
(subsidy maintained)
48.5%
Fast subsidy-removal
scenario
Modeled renewable share of Iran’s generation mix by 2050 under two scenarios. Source: Aryanpur, Fattahi, Mamipour, Ghahremani, Ó Gallachóir, Bazilian & Glynn, “How energy subsidy reform can drive the Iranian power sector towards a low-carbon future,” Energy Policy 169 (2022).

That’s the theoretical version. The 2025–2026 version is playing out in real time, and it’s considerably less orderly.

95k MW
Installed capacity, on paper
~72k MW
Actually operational
25k MW
Forecast 2026 shortfall — ~⅓ of demand

Iran’s own thermal plants average about 39% efficiency, well below modern combined-cycle standards, and grid losses of roughly 13% are more than double what’s typical in developed networks. The consequences have been concrete and expensive.

Figure 4 · Industrial cost of blackouts

Lost industrial revenue, trillion tomans

300
2024
400
2025
Source: Ezzatollah Zarei, Ministry of Industry, Mine and Trade, via ILNA — reported in Iran News Update. Steel, petrochemical and cement producers were hit hardest, since continuous-process industries can’t restart cheaply after an unplanned outage.
Figure 4b · Iran’s own gas-allocation economics

Even as an export, electricity is the worst-paying use of Iranian gas

CNG for vehicles
$450k
Gas exports
$270k
Oilfield reinjection
$200k
Petrochemicals
$155k
Electricity export
$70k
Revenue per million cubic meters of natural gas, by end use (USD)
A caveat on what this chart is actually showing: these are Stanford’s estimated returns from exporting gas-fired electricity to neighboring grids — the best case Iran could realistically get for that gas as power. Domestic sales, priced under the subsidy, earn less still. Even so, the ranking is telling: by the government’s own implicit economics, turning gas into electricity is the lowest-earning thing Iran can do with it — which helps explain why there’s never been much internal pressure to price power properly, well before subsidy politics enter the picture. Source: Azadi, Nezam Sarmadi, Mahmoudzadeh & Shirvani, “The Outlook for Natural Gas, Electricity, and Renewable Energy in Iran,” Stanford Iran 2040 Project, Working Paper No. 3 (2017), Table 1.

Some cement factories had electricity allocations cut by 90% during the worst 2026 shortages. On Iran’s own Energy Exchange — power traded outside the regulated system — prices during peak shortages ran roughly four times the standard rate, a fairly stark illustration of what electricity is actually worth in Iran once the subsidy is stripped away.

In fairness: this isn’t a story with one clean cause. Iran’s crisis has coincided with a serious drought — rainfall running ~40% below the long-term average — and with the disruption of the 2026 conflict with the U.S. and Israel. Several sources reporting blackout detail (Iran Focus, Iran International) are diaspora or opposition-aligned outlets, and should be read with that lean in mind. What isn’t in dispute, because it shows up consistently in the IEA’s own numbers, is the underlying structure: a system built almost entirely on subsidized gas, with a bare 3–5% hydro cushion that shrinks further in a bad rainfall year.

Iran’s electricity is cheap because a subsidy is absorbing the gap between what people pay and what power costs to produce. When that gap gets too large to sustain, something eventually gives. In 2025 and 2026, what gave was the lights.

Case 02 · The Underpriced-Hydro Model

Ethiopia: cheap because nobody had gotten around to fixing the price

Ethiopia’s story starts from an entirely different place: it is, by most measures, one of the cleanest electricity systems on the planet. Ethiopian Electric Power’s own data puts hydropower at roughly 94% of installed capacity, with wind, geothermal and biomass making up nearly all of the rest — there is essentially no fossil fuel in the mix. IRENA confirms it from a different angle: 96% of generation in 2023 came from hydro, and renewables made up 90% of Ethiopia’s total energy supply that year.

Figure 5 · Generation mix

Ethiopia runs on hydro — almost entirely

94%
HYDROPOWER
Hydropower94.5%
Wind5.2%
Geothermal & biomass0.3%

The centerpiece is the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam — Africa’s largest hydropower project, inaugurated September 2025 after fourteen years of construction. GERD adds 5,150 MW across thirteen turbines, roughly doubling Ethiopia’s prior installed base of ~5.7 GW, and is projected to generate ~15,700 GWh a year. It cost $5 billion, financed almost entirely by Ethiopians themselves after international lenders declined to back it.

It also sits at the center of a live dispute — Egypt and Sudan, downstream on the Nile, object strenuously, and Egypt’s foreign ministry has called the project a violation of international law. GERD’s long-term value to Ethiopia depends partly on exporting the surplus at scale, which requires regional cooperation that doesn’t fully exist yet.

Figures are Ethiopian Electric Power’s own installed-capacity breakdown, current as of April 2026. IRENA’s independent country profile puts hydro closer to 87% of capacity with a bit more solar and bioenergy in the mix — the gap is most likely a difference in what each source counts (grid-connected utility plants only, versus all installed capacity including off-grid), not a real disagreement about the fact that Ethiopia’s grid is overwhelmingly hydro. Sources: Ethiopian Electric Power; IRENA Ethiopia Energy Profile (2025).

But the more interesting story, from a “why was this so cheap” standpoint, isn’t the generation mix — it’s the price.

A July 2026 analysis from the Energy for Growth Hub lays out the mechanics. Before Ethiopia’s last tariff reform in 2018, the average residential customer paid between 1.3 and 3.4 US cents/kWh, against an actual cost of generation, transmission and distribution estimated at roughly 9.2 cents. The 2018 reform nudged nominal prices up — but the birr then lost more than 80% of its value against the dollar between 2006 and 2022, which quietly ate the increase and left the average residential tariff back down around 3 cents by 2022. Ethiopia had only adjusted electricity prices five times in over sixty years going into 2024; currency depreciation did the rest of the damage on its own.

Figure 6 · Ethiopia’s four-year tariff reset — residential

ETB per kWh, by consumption band

0.27
2.00
Before update
(Aug 2024)
0.60
3.84
After Year 1
(2024–25)
0.92
5.68
Year 2
(2025–26)
1.24
7.52
Year 3
(2026–27)
1.56
9.35
Year 4
(2027–28)
Low band (0–50 kWh/month)
Mid band (201–300 kWh/month)
Industrial tariffs climb even faster over the same period — from 4.58 to 26.91 ETB/kWh, a 6x increase, shown on its own scale below since it dwarfs residential rates.
Figure 6b · Industrial tariff, same period

ETB per kWh — a 6x increase by 2028

4.58
Before
update
12.30
Year 1
17.17
Year 2
22.04
Year 3
26.91
Year 4
“Low band” = 0–50 kWh/month residential tier; “mid band” = 201–300 kWh tier. Source: Ethiopian Electric Utility & Ethiopian Electric Power tariff schedules, via Ayele & Tesfaye, “A Cheap Kilowatt-Hour, a Weak Birr, and a Debt Crisis Walk Into a Bar…”, Energy for Growth Hub (July 2026).

The reckoning arrived via debt, not drought. Ethiopia missed a Eurobond payment in 2021, entered a G20 Common Framework debt restructuring, and took on an IMF stabilization program in 2024 — one condition being quarterly tariff increases aimed at full cost recovery, with subsidies eliminated entirely by 2027/28. By the time the program concludes, the lowest-consuming three-quarters of residential customers will pay four to six times what they paid before the reform started; industrial tariffs will rise sixfold, as shown above.

Halfway through, the utility-finance results look like a clear success:

5x
Ethiopian Electric Utility revenue growth, 2019–2025
12x
Ethiopian Electric Power revenue growth, 2019–2025
5.6M
Active customer connections, up from 3M in 2018

That last stat sits alongside a caveat most “cheapest electricity” listicles skip entirely: a rock-bottom price only matters to people actually connected to the grid.

Figure 7 · Access gap

Electrification rate — national vs. urban

National
55%
Urban
94%
Source: World Bank SDG7 electrification tracker (2023); World Bank ELEAP program reporting. One caveat: the Energy for Growth Hub cites a lower national baseline of 44% for the reform’s own access mandate, most likely because it’s measuring EEU’s grid-connected customers specifically, while the World Bank’s 55% includes off-grid and mini-grid access too. Either way, the rural shortfall behind the headline number leaves roughly 60 million Ethiopians unconnected — Ethiopia, Nigeria, and the DRC together account for about a third of everyone worldwide without electricity access.

Roughly 60 million Ethiopians — most of them rural — still have no power at all. A price of $0.006/kWh is, for them, a completely abstract number. Ethiopian Electric Utility’s own mandate is to push national access from 44% to 75% — but each new rural connection costs $100 to $1,000 to build, against customers with very limited ability to pay, which is arguably the harder problem the reform hasn’t solved yet.

Even after all four years of increases, Ethiopia’s tariffs will still sit below the actual cost of service — meaning further increases are probably inevitable, especially since Ethiopia imports nearly 60% of the hardware its power sector depends on, all of it now pricier thanks to the same currency depreciation that caused this problem in the first place. Worth flagging, too: because the reform raises prices every quarter, the $0.006/kWh figure most “cheapest electricity” rankings currently cite is a snapshot from December 2025 — by the time you’re reading this, Ethiopia’s actual average rate is likely to have moved. Check EEU’s current schedule directly if the exact number matters to you.
Five open risks, per Energy for Growth Hub

Halfway through the reform, what could still go wrong

Cost structure. Even the finished reform keeps tariffs below cost — without cutting import dependence and grid losses, another round of increases is likely.
Revenue. Tariffs alone can’t sustain the utilities — monetizing surplus generation and improving export pricing remain underused levers.
Reliability. Higher bills need to translate into fewer outages — that requires governance reform, not just better utility balance sheets.
Affordability. Urban wages have generally lagged inflation; a 4–6x bill increase lands very differently on a household budget than on a utility’s income statement.
Access expansion. Each new rural connection costs $100–$1,000 to build, against customers with limited ability to pay — the reform funds utilities, not necessarily the last mile.
Source: Ayele & Tesfaye, “A Cheap Kilowatt-Hour, a Weak Birr, and a Debt Crisis Walk Into a Bar…,” Energy for Growth Hub (July 2026).
Case 03 & 04 · Getting It Right

What durable cheap power actually looks like

If Iran is the cautionary tale and Ethiopia is the mid-course correction, it’s worth asking whether any country has pulled off genuinely cheap electricity without either subsidizing its way into crisis or clawing the price back up later. Two cases are instructive — and they don’t tell quite the same story.

Figure 8 · Paraguay

Almost entirely hydro — and mostly exported

75%
EXPORTED
Exported (Brazil & Argentina)75%
Used domestically25%

Paraguay’s grid runs 99.7% on hydropower, anchored by two binational dams: Itaipu (with Brazil) and Yacyretá (with Argentina). A 2021 peer-reviewed model in Energy Systems found Paraguay exports around 75% of everything it generates, at a household price of roughly 5.4–7.6 US cents/kWh — genuinely abundant, not subsidized.

But per-capita consumption is among the lowest in South America, and roughly a third of the country lives in poverty despite the surplus — the same study documents transmission losses around 4% and distribution losses around 17%, among the highest in Latin America, which helps explain why parts of western Paraguay still burn fossil fuels for power despite the country exporting hydroelectricity by the gigawatt-hour. Abundance alone doesn’t build a grid.

What’s shifting the picture in 2026: AI data-center investment — one firm, X8 Cloud, has floated up to $50 billion over three decades, turning cheap surplus power into a higher-value export. Grid capacity (~5 GW) and an unrenegotiated 1973 treaty are real constraints.

Source: Pappis, Centurion, Pereira Ramos, Howells, Ulloa, Ortigoza, Gardel-Sotomayor & Alfstad, “Implications to the electricity system of Paraguay of different demand scenarios and export prices to Brazil,” Energy Systems 12 (2021); Rio Times (2026).
Figure 9 · Norway

Clean, abundant — and still not price-proof

89%
HYDROPOWER
Hydropower89%
Wind10%
Fossil / other1%

Norway generates ~89% of its electricity from hydro, with wind covering most of the rest and fossil fuels down near 1%. Its reservoirs function like a giant rechargeable battery for the wider Nordic and European grid — importing surplus wind and solar from neighbors, exporting hydro back at peak demand.

Then, in late 2021 and through 2022, Norwegian households saw real price spikes — partly below-average reservoir levels, partly the simple fact that a genuinely interconnected grid means domestic prices stop being a purely domestic story. It triggered a political backlash unthinkable in a country “accustomed to cheap and abundant power.”

Source: IEA Norway country data; Low-Carbon Power; “Nordic Electricity Markets 2026: Hydropower, Wind and Price Swings.”

The pattern across all four cases: cheap electricity that lasts is priced close to its actual cost of production, backed by a resource base large enough to sustain that price. Cheap electricity that doesn’t last is priced below cost — propped up by a subsidy (Iran) or simple neglect (pre-reform Ethiopia) — and it eventually forces a correction. Managed, like Ethiopia’s four-year program. Or unmanaged, like Iran’s 2025–2026 blackouts.

Why It Matters

The Business Read

That distinction isn’t academic. Cheap, reliable power has become one of the more decisive site-selection factors for energy-intensive investment — data centers most visibly, but also manufacturing, smelting, anything where electricity is a large share of operating cost. AEI has argued that large new demand sources like data centers can, under the right conditions, actually lower average costs by spreading fixed infrastructure costs across more usage. The flip side is playing out too: reporting on PJM, the largest U.S. grid operator, shows the same data-center demand surge that once suppressed prices now pushing them upward as buildout outpaces new generation. Malaysia offers a smaller preview — new tariff structures there are already nudging data-center investment toward Vietnam and Thailand instead.

Put those pieces together and the takeaway for anyone allocating long-term capital — where to build, which market’s “cheap electricity” pitch to actually trust — looks less like a spreadsheet line and more like a structural, cost-basis question. A price of $0.003 or $0.006 per kilowatt-hour means very different things depending on whether it reflects a genuinely abundant, well-managed resource base, or a subsidy running on borrowed time. The first kind of cheap is an asset worth building around. The second kind is a bill that hasn’t arrived yet.

References

Extended Research Note accompanying Issue 03 — part of an ongoing series delivering business, economic, and commodity insight from the Trimline Group.

  1. American Enterprise Institute. (n.d.). Why more data centers might mean cheaper electricity. Retrieved August 2026, from https://www.aei.org/economics/why-more-data-centers-might-mean-cheaper-electricity/
  2. Aryanpur, V., Fattahi, M., Mamipour, S., Ghahremani, M., Ó Gallachóir, B., Bazilian, M. D., & Glynn, J. (2022). How energy subsidy reform can drive the Iranian power sector towards a low-carbon future. Energy Policy, 169, Article 113190. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2022.113190
  3. Ayele, Y. N., & Tesfaye, M. (2026, July). A cheap kilowatt-hour, a weak birr, and a debt crisis walk into a bar…: Ethiopia’s aggressive electricity tariff reset. Energy for Growth Hub. https://energyforgrowth.org/article/a-cheap-kilowatt-hour-a-weak-birr-and-a-debt-crisis-walk-into-a-bar/
  4. Azadi, P., Nezam Sarmadi, A., Mahmoudzadeh, A., & Shirvani, T. (2017). The outlook for natural gas, electricity, and renewable energy in Iran (Working Paper No. 3). Stanford Iran 2040 Project, Stanford University. https://iranian-studies.stanford.edu/iran-2040-project/publications/outlook-natural-gas-electricity-and-renewable-energy-iran
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  15. Iran Focus. (2026b). Power outages plunge Iran into darkness. https://iranfocus.com/iran/58417-power-outages-plunge-iran-into-darkness/
  16. Iran International. (2026). Iran unable to meet one-third of its power demand. https://www.iranintl.com/en/202503099951
  17. Iran News Update. (2026). Iran’s power crisis costs industry billions as blackouts deepen economic decline. https://irannewsupdate.com/news/economy/irans-power-crisis-costs-industry-billions-as-blackouts-deepen-economic-decline/
  18. Low-Carbon Power. (2026a). Iran: Electricity generation mix. https://lowcarbonpower.org/region/Iran
  19. Low-Carbon Power. (2026b). Norway: Electricity generation mix. https://lowcarbonpower.org/region/Norway
  20. Malay Mail. (2025, July 1). Malaysia’s data-centre operators face higher power costs under new tariff structure. https://www.malaymail.com/news/money/2025/07/01/malaysias-data-centre-operators-face-higher-power-costs-under-new-tariff-structure/182447
  21. National Iranian American Council. (n.d.). Crisis without strategy: Iran’s escalating water, electricity, and gas shortages amid mismanagement and economic strain. Retrieved August 2026, from https://niacouncil.org/crisis-without-strategy-irans-escalating-water-electricity-and-gas-shortages-amid-mismanagement-and-economic-strain/
  22. Pappis, I., Centurion, C., Pereira Ramos, E., Howells, M., Ulloa, S., Ortigoza, E., Gardel-Sotomayor, P. E., & Alfstad, T. (2021). Implications to the electricity system of Paraguay of different demand scenarios and export prices to Brazil. Energy Systems, 12, 911–939. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12667-020-00420-w
  23. Rio Times. (2026, July 6). Paraguay data centers: Cheap hydropower draws AI. https://www.riotimesonline.com/paraguay-data-centers-ai-hydropower-itaipu-2026/
  24. Statistics Norway. (2026). Electricity [Data set]. https://www.ssb.no/en/energi-og-industri/energi/statistikk/elektrisitet
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  26. World Bank. (2023). Access to electricity (% of population) – Ethiopia [Data set]. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/EG.ELC.ACCS.ZS?locations=ET
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